
The US Needs a Peace Czar, not a War
Czar
Byron A. Ellis
If the aim is stability and peace in
Iraq, the choice should have been a peace czar and not a war czar. Naming of
a war czar signals a continuation of US war posture, which has been rejected
by the rest of the world and now by many at home.
Will the new war czar influence the
insurgents or will he create a more favorable ground condition in Iraq and
Afghanistan? It is doubtful that one new man can infuse new life in the
battlefield or make the contest winnable.
The administration’s approach ought
not to be a continuation of what has not worked, but to examine workable
alternates. Therefore, some relevant questions that they should ask are:
1)
What do the Iraqis want and how can their wants be
satisfied without harming the US national interest?
2)
What do stakeholders in the region want?
3)
What processes, aside from military, need to be in
place to curtail civil strife?
4)
How can the US work with all Iraqis to neutralize
foreign terrorist?
The position of a war czar is
unlikely to be about achieving peace and stability, rather it appears to be
more of the same policy, pacifying the Iraqi population by subjugation.
However, the subjugation method has not worked. Thus, the administration
should examine organizational justice theory and attempt to apply it within
the Iraqi framework.
Organizational justice describes the
role of fairness within a given environment and offers a framework to
explore and understand the Iraqi citizens reaction to the US invasion. Thus,
it incorporates the methods of change with stakeholders’ perceptions.
Clearly, Iraqis’ perceptions of fairness influence their level of
involvement and commitment to support the insurgency or the Americans.
Unfortunately, fairness perceptions as interpreted by Iraqis and Americans
seldom coincide, because of cultural differences and invader status.
The justice literature identifies
four types of justice that may affect Iraqis in a quest for stability. (1)
Procedural, which deals with participation in the decision-making
process to adopt, design, and implement strategies to stabilize Iraq; (2)
distributive, which deals with fairness of outcomes (i.e., distribution
of oil wealth and government positions, compensation, benefits, etc.); (3)
interpersonal, which deals with the quality of treatment given to the
Iraqis by the invading force and their leaders, and (4) informational,
which deals with the justifications/explanations used to invade Iraq and to
continue to subjugate its citizens. Both, interpersonal and informational
are subsumed under interactional justice.
To mitigate the Iraq quagmire the
administration needs an aggressive peace advocate, not a war czar.
Send comments to:
tjp@jethroproject.com